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%im <; And J\rewfoundlan cute. Vol. 1. lftn% an*nyg ■yatflw|jM*g SATURDA?Y, AUGUST/7, 1841. No. 40. "ST. JOJlf^S, Newfoundli I Publisbed by JOHN THOMAS EUR lis OfScs, oooof.it.c-the prca; of N. Gt?.1,, Esq. Yi'ATGR-sTn-n: From Belts Weekly Messenger. j misunderstood^ that they are now re- | sis-ling- some menaced invasrou ol" this DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT AlStrl I1EU MAJESTY'S; SPEECH ON THE ' PROROGATION. If there he two constitutional prin- . ciples, or ratlier two principles ol common ami ordinary prudejttre, winch woiild serin to admit of no tioubt, they C-hll appear, wo think, to be t e two lb Mo.vi tig. The fit*-*, that when the sovereign comes forth to act in its own proper person, he or she should so act ami speak, as to be totally withqtft aity suspicion of party ; **fiere shoiptlibe no hold upon whieh the angr jTpa&jsipas of the people could attach, and l^y which the public reverence of the sovereign dignity could he impaired. I his is the first * pf'nuciple in the conslituli tu A se- eond principle, equally sound, and we should thiYiitTequally obvious ap pears to be, that when any high authority, which'is about to^ct upon lhe will and opinion ol anotuer, comes forward Jo inquire what such will and o(>iiiii>i) iibports, he or she should be careful not, to impair 4rfnd prejudice -the free declaration of it by any state' ent of its own particular bias and filiation. The first question, there- hich occurs to us upon the , whether these principles i followed on the preset t oe- For example, how isjtre- vith the two above plain al maxims, thai ihe minis- aid have managed wiih the>r r.oiti ess to give that turn to a speech, which without io place before the public : at issue, 'contrives to in- uate it in very obvious language; nely, that the parliament has been dissolved, because the " paramount importance ol trade antl industry" have been attacked ond because the ance measures of her Majesty's rvanis.liave lieen rejected by the -louse of Commons. What, indeed, «ays tfm3sp«*ech:— *. " On a full consideration,of tha present state of public affairs, I have come .tu the determination bT~j>r©roguing this parliament, with a view to its immediate dissolution, " TheTauamount importnnce ofthe trade and industry ofthe cot»ntryvantTiaiy anxiety that the exigencies ofV_ib« public service should be provided for in the mapi o. the posinj e, and fighting tlie battle of resse.'i v trade and iutiu*try on iti " against all b:h t op* ibiulng misses-. / :i from, the crovfu oi ** j ii .mount" jmpbrtant ol :c!i of industrfv as to/prVel ude i! ittention toVijU-^uers. rue, indeed, that a thriving arid ovev'flowing id ieh •;t tin leant burdensome to the community, have induced nic to resort to the means which, the constitution has intrusted to me of ascertaimrlg the sense of my people'upon matters' which 80 deeply concern their Welfare " I entertain the lidpe that "tbe progress of public iusiness may be facilitated, and that divisions injurious to the eourse of'steady '■ policy and useful legisloaion\may*be removed by the authority of a new parliament, which I shall airect to be summoned without de- ^y" m —--Ttwa^j-jihile the ministers appeared to admit that it tyo ild have been in- decent to pit into her Majesty's mouth any language tending to produce cdIIimo i between the different classes of trade aud agriculture, they have not hesitated to insist Upon the "paramount importance of trade, and to signify, in terms not to be sources ol.puhlic prosperity! and that every cheek and incumbrajice upon thefn should be carefully removed, if consistent with . fairness and. equal dealing towards all other interests ; but why this marked and invidious preference? Does it not look like a purpose to range the diflVreiit classes o*-industry against each otlier, and to exhibit her Majesty as ruhning to ttie stlccoui of one particular branch against the actual'or menaced invasion of, its proper interests hy some powiTful.aud successful rival,?"" If we turn to our statute hook, w slmii iinti un act passed for tbe pu poses of trade* and commerce, in the. reign of one of her Majesty's an-*** cestors, which has usually been deemed as. wise a statute, and the work ol as able men, as ever flourished in this country. The act is the l5lh of Charles I!. ; if is entitled " An -"Act for the Encouragement of Trade," and it begins in \hesev remarkable words, •' Forasmuclvas the encouragement of Tillage ought to be in an especial manner regarded and endeavoured, and the surest antl tnrst effectual meanSy-e-f promoting and advancing aay trade, occupation!, or employment, being to render Unprofitable to the users thereof," &e.— TheVct then pro eeds tp make those provision*- which -ire well known to the commercial leader. f Now', we quoie the preamble o Ihis statute, mereiv fo show lhe tlii ■ fer ent sentiments which were-at tha*' time entertained by our ancestois ; wlien the foundations'of our ti *yiga- tiopdaw antl colonial trade were laid upo'n the broad basis of wisdom and experience, ami when- Great Britain firr£ became a manufacturing, a commercial, and an expoiting nation, - solely, and for* no other reason, hut by the improvement of its agriculture. But let us examine a little, further into vibe policy of a dissolution to advance the trade ami industry ofthe country, postponing for the present all consideration of the corn-laws, except so far as to remark: That the constitution of the government of the United Kingdom in all its parts, and the symmetry and security ol tlfe whole, are founded and depend upon landed'properly, and cannot subsist in their present form if the value of -njeli property be materially diminished, ard its due Weight in the government of the country destroyed-; and .that any national ami legislativeinji ry to that property, by altering the just balance of tiie constitution,, inuV. . at* to the ove/th.iow of theexistiii of government, and the subsi .of some new 'orsn. unless the u j'ej • t.'f tbe general confusion si .. the country back to liiat .*• which has produced its bappiues anu prosperity'lor so many centuries.— This is all we shall now . ;.\ culture. \ • Admitting, there, lhat the exigi :■- cii b ol trade and commerce-^oulii; ... justify a diss dution al any time, we obstructions to.lndusiry and traflt ? Surely 'hose who are r.sainlv coh- ccriied i-n ihcrn. The leading interests .of the country, as regards tra.de and coihmi•vr, 'ai • ■ her colonies* her*^Wppihg in tercet, and her domestic conuiA'ce and manti- fhctur-es ; batAvlly s,ty aH flies, classes to the proposed commercial thai ;i s of ministers? The Colonics • nji-ct them altogether as tlestructive of their* trade, their purpose being to upplant vthetn by foreigner; and to destroy their ■•JiUtyW Niaiktis. No-v the colours, if we inclutUi the liast lirdies, n>m- prehend a population of niore than do.uble the amount ol'the population of- the mother country ; they coi- sume of our manufactures mere than tr.eble the value of those exported to foreign nations But is tin's larg*e customer, the colonist, this nurse ol our navy, and this sure so'iiree of our maritime*>greatne*aS, to he cast off antl endangered, for the mere chance ol giving an enlarged trade to the merchant antl manufacturer ot a few peculiar coniinotlities ? As respects the shipping inter, sf, in wliich, next to ibe land, the largest capital is invested, there is hut /m*-* voice of reprobation of the new eha*nges proposed by ministers. -Wt* rel'e'otir readers to the annual meeting ofthe Bill ish shipowners, -assembled in London on Friday the l*Sili. It must bealisoluleiv fatal, say thev, fo the B'ith'rrmari'ne ; it sirikes ;,t tire ^lory of the naval Hag; it introduce" the foreigners into the carry in <> trade former!)1' possessed hy ouF.selvTs ; it makes ft impracticable to maintain the navigation laws,which impose so many..restrictions ou British-built ships • it throws oiut of employment the British sailor/,.and, iu the lan^miqe of Mr. Alderman Thompson, it will necessarily lead to such an intrusion of the foreigner into tne coasting trade, as Jo diminish the value of British shipping npaHy seyenty-five per cent. ' N"ow, consider the effect which this diminution of our maritime' trade would produce" upon the ..numerous external occupations with which it stanis connected. It would besome- thing like abolishing house bu'rldtng from the list of mechanical employments, and it is impossible to conceive any increase in any other branch of industry, which could make com pensa ion tiius be ef; t fflFthe injury w Iwcli would iihtnge cnulfktha proposed u te upon our domestic.markets? ! i ti . between tow^i nud town, juid thow . H the channels of our insular commeftf. i re would be a stnr.par*e i . the Buspimded am' .terruptt-d, all sucfi of tl market-ttjwns, as uere not immediately i : . utlit-cd of the pints, would a ! -ise to be places of sale and resort.— | The Britfsli corn-factor and nuli-owner would transfer his custom to the sea- port towti in which foreign com was entered and 1" :>.!>-.] ; aad instead of trade being dis- , p.*. it is now, throoghoQt the or- i mercial and agricultural districts, ! f w< uld be confined upd dammed up withm 1/1*0 cr*r.clusion, v\b, it arc all these changes i in producp but an increase of our inaiuif.e'lirep for'sforeigfi* consumption,—aa [ object which will alv,avs\be steaHllv opposed e jealousy and rivalry of the conbntntal nates, and by the interests of their own traders end manufacturers ? Such trade, if it could be secured, would never ocount to one-fifteenth part Of our home dealers, nor to r>m*-fq,irtli part of our coloMal trade.— Under any possiblo circumstances, stfch Im'de, amd su li'jdsily depfendt nee upon f--rcirtiers, rnusl L. precariouspand unsafe;— W*e should ahvn s he in contention with such foreigners on ti. *-ubject of duties ; them would be a ;. inal Custom.bouse jarring and wiai',(.:-*.*. Our commerce would al- v.'.ivs becorn.e Iti ' I to be suspended by war, and'our mercfiants and manufactures would be exposed tr ti -!. Iluc;i>aiicns, and from so many .causes,— I '■ 1:1 civ il dissensions, as well, as -from national wars,—that no firm and no large. ii,*. i.sunent of capital could be deemed long safe. A Civil war, like that of Spain, would throw such a glut of our own manufactures upon our hands, and fling them back upon eti*- own markets, or rather, into our own warehouses, as to throw «ut of^em- p'pymsiit ali that increase of popu1atio6-*Sriich the stimulus ofa foimt-r demand might have called inio our factories and magazines,— snd thus occa<*i.m that degree of distress of v. Ijicli we bid some example in the first wars that succeeded the war of 1814. To ciiint upon such a trad? fjr revenue would in- to coitnt upon the burren sea shore for i".dJ ; ii would be but an unnatural con- trivancent Lest, and, like ail ariiflcinl sys- ttms, which are f'lrmed iu opposition tor natural relation^ would scarcely outlive *Xhie first fe-. years ofthe experi%ient. In.all ihat we have above said, it is not our purpose to contend that out present . itnuiug aud commercial Bjawtri is perfect in I it's present form ; that many of our lawn have hot become obsolete, anu are no longer fit- led.'or at leas*, required, for the purposes for whiili they were iiist passed '; »and that our naVy, in its' present degree o£ strength, does not require that large sacrifice of other in- t-rest**, which was wisely afforded to it under the Act of Charles the Second. We conulnd only for lhe nia'.t*ten*>.nce of the general principle, and admit ^at every ten or twenty vears may produce a new slate of-things in particular trailer, which may render it prudent and wise to revise any old laws whu*h may hear too heavily upon present eirrum- * stances.. Laws of mere regulation are not to be confounded with those fund a menial maxims which are justly termed constituii-* onal principles; the former, except in their general spirit, were ceVer intended to be permanent, and therefore there is no sound objection against submitting them to that revision which any new state of circumstances onay seem to require. But an ancient Mode of dealing, which was begun two centuries back, and which has been Untinued up to the present time, has obviously so far answered jts purpose, as to have rendered us the richest and the mest powerful nation in the w-orld, because our agrii-ultttre, our commerce, and cur '--ade, have grown up together, have inter- '.......'* their associated roots, and yielding .'■ -sch other a neighbourly sustenance fro» ..
Object Description
Title | The Star And Newfoundland Advocate, 1841-08-07, vol. 01, no. 40 |
Date | 1841-08-07 |
Description | The Star And Newfoundland Advocate, 1841-08-07, vol. 01, no. 40 |
Type | Text |
Resource Type | Newspaper |
Format | Image/jpeg; Application/pdf |
Language | eng |
Collection | Centre for Newfoundland Studies - Digitized Newspapers |
Sponsor | Centre for Newfoundland Studies |
Source | Paper text held in the Centre for Newfoundland Studies |
Repository | Memorial University of Newfoundland. Libraries. Centre for Newfoundland Studies |
Rights | Creative Commons |
PDF File | (8.19MB) -- http://collections.mun.ca/PDFs/cns_news/TheStarAndNewfoundlandAdvocate18410807vol01no40.pdf |
Description
Title | Cover |
Description | The Star And Newfoundland Advocate, 1841-08-07, vol. 01, no. 40 |
PDF File | (8.19MB) -- http://collections.mun.ca/PDFs/cns_news/TheStarAndNewfoundlandAdvocate18410807vol01no40.pdf |
Transcript | %im <; And J\rewfoundlan cute. Vol. 1. lftn% an*nyg ■yatflw|jM*g SATURDA?Y, AUGUST/7, 1841. No. 40. "ST. JOJlf^S, Newfoundli I Publisbed by JOHN THOMAS EUR lis OfScs, oooof.it.c-the prca; of N. Gt?.1,, Esq. Yi'ATGR-sTn-n: From Belts Weekly Messenger. j misunderstood^ that they are now re- | sis-ling- some menaced invasrou ol" this DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT AlStrl I1EU MAJESTY'S; SPEECH ON THE ' PROROGATION. If there he two constitutional prin- . ciples, or ratlier two principles ol common ami ordinary prudejttre, winch woiild serin to admit of no tioubt, they C-hll appear, wo think, to be t e two lb Mo.vi tig. The fit*-*, that when the sovereign comes forth to act in its own proper person, he or she should so act ami speak, as to be totally withqtft aity suspicion of party ; **fiere shoiptlibe no hold upon whieh the angr jTpa&jsipas of the people could attach, and l^y which the public reverence of the sovereign dignity could he impaired. I his is the first * pf'nuciple in the conslituli tu A se- eond principle, equally sound, and we should thiYiitTequally obvious ap pears to be, that when any high authority, which'is about to^ct upon lhe will and opinion ol anotuer, comes forward Jo inquire what such will and o(>iiiii>i) iibports, he or she should be careful not, to impair 4rfnd prejudice -the free declaration of it by any state' ent of its own particular bias and filiation. The first question, there- hich occurs to us upon the , whether these principles i followed on the preset t oe- For example, how isjtre- vith the two above plain al maxims, thai ihe minis- aid have managed wiih the>r r.oiti ess to give that turn to a speech, which without io place before the public : at issue, 'contrives to in- uate it in very obvious language; nely, that the parliament has been dissolved, because the " paramount importance ol trade antl industry" have been attacked ond because the ance measures of her Majesty's rvanis.liave lieen rejected by the -louse of Commons. What, indeed, «ays tfm3sp«*ech:— *. " On a full consideration,of tha present state of public affairs, I have come .tu the determination bT~j>r©roguing this parliament, with a view to its immediate dissolution, " TheTauamount importnnce ofthe trade and industry ofthe cot»ntryvantTiaiy anxiety that the exigencies ofV_ib« public service should be provided for in the mapi o. the posinj e, and fighting tlie battle of resse.'i v trade and iutiu*try on iti " against all b:h t op* ibiulng misses-. / :i from, the crovfu oi ** j ii .mount" jmpbrtant ol :c!i of industrfv as to/prVel ude i! ittention toVijU-^uers. rue, indeed, that a thriving arid ovev'flowing id ieh •;t tin leant burdensome to the community, have induced nic to resort to the means which, the constitution has intrusted to me of ascertaimrlg the sense of my people'upon matters' which 80 deeply concern their Welfare " I entertain the lidpe that "tbe progress of public iusiness may be facilitated, and that divisions injurious to the eourse of'steady '■ policy and useful legisloaion\may*be removed by the authority of a new parliament, which I shall airect to be summoned without de- ^y" m —--Ttwa^j-jihile the ministers appeared to admit that it tyo ild have been in- decent to pit into her Majesty's mouth any language tending to produce cdIIimo i between the different classes of trade aud agriculture, they have not hesitated to insist Upon the "paramount importance of trade, and to signify, in terms not to be sources ol.puhlic prosperity! and that every cheek and incumbrajice upon thefn should be carefully removed, if consistent with . fairness and. equal dealing towards all other interests ; but why this marked and invidious preference? Does it not look like a purpose to range the diflVreiit classes o*-industry against each otlier, and to exhibit her Majesty as ruhning to ttie stlccoui of one particular branch against the actual'or menaced invasion of, its proper interests hy some powiTful.aud successful rival,?"" If we turn to our statute hook, w slmii iinti un act passed for tbe pu poses of trade* and commerce, in the. reign of one of her Majesty's an-*** cestors, which has usually been deemed as. wise a statute, and the work ol as able men, as ever flourished in this country. The act is the l5lh of Charles I!. ; if is entitled " An -"Act for the Encouragement of Trade," and it begins in \hesev remarkable words, •' Forasmuclvas the encouragement of Tillage ought to be in an especial manner regarded and endeavoured, and the surest antl tnrst effectual meanSy-e-f promoting and advancing aay trade, occupation!, or employment, being to render Unprofitable to the users thereof," &e.— TheVct then pro eeds tp make those provision*- which -ire well known to the commercial leader. f Now', we quoie the preamble o Ihis statute, mereiv fo show lhe tlii ■ fer ent sentiments which were-at tha*' time entertained by our ancestois ; wlien the foundations'of our ti *yiga- tiopdaw antl colonial trade were laid upo'n the broad basis of wisdom and experience, ami when- Great Britain firr£ became a manufacturing, a commercial, and an expoiting nation, - solely, and for* no other reason, hut by the improvement of its agriculture. But let us examine a little, further into vibe policy of a dissolution to advance the trade ami industry ofthe country, postponing for the present all consideration of the corn-laws, except so far as to remark: That the constitution of the government of the United Kingdom in all its parts, and the symmetry and security ol tlfe whole, are founded and depend upon landed'properly, and cannot subsist in their present form if the value of -njeli property be materially diminished, ard its due Weight in the government of the country destroyed-; and .that any national ami legislativeinji ry to that property, by altering the just balance of tiie constitution,, inuV. . at* to the ove/th.iow of theexistiii of government, and the subsi .of some new 'orsn. unless the u j'ej • t.'f tbe general confusion si .. the country back to liiat .*• which has produced its bappiues anu prosperity'lor so many centuries.— This is all we shall now . ;.\ culture. \ • Admitting, there, lhat the exigi :■- cii b ol trade and commerce-^oulii; ... justify a diss dution al any time, we obstructions to.lndusiry and traflt ? Surely 'hose who are r.sainlv coh- ccriied i-n ihcrn. The leading interests .of the country, as regards tra.de and coihmi•vr, 'ai • ■ her colonies* her*^Wppihg in tercet, and her domestic conuiA'ce and manti- fhctur-es ; batAvlly s,ty aH flies, classes to the proposed commercial thai ;i s of ministers? The Colonics • nji-ct them altogether as tlestructive of their* trade, their purpose being to upplant vthetn by foreigner; and to destroy their ■•JiUtyW Niaiktis. No-v the colours, if we inclutUi the liast lirdies, n>m- prehend a population of niore than do.uble the amount ol'the population of- the mother country ; they coi- sume of our manufactures mere than tr.eble the value of those exported to foreign nations But is tin's larg*e customer, the colonist, this nurse ol our navy, and this sure so'iiree of our maritime*>greatne*aS, to he cast off antl endangered, for the mere chance ol giving an enlarged trade to the merchant antl manufacturer ot a few peculiar coniinotlities ? As respects the shipping inter, sf, in wliich, next to ibe land, the largest capital is invested, there is hut /m*-* voice of reprobation of the new eha*nges proposed by ministers. -Wt* rel'e'otir readers to the annual meeting ofthe Bill ish shipowners, -assembled in London on Friday the l*Sili. It must bealisoluleiv fatal, say thev, fo the B'ith'rrmari'ne ; it sirikes ;,t tire ^lory of the naval Hag; it introduce" the foreigners into the carry in <> trade former!)1' possessed hy ouF.selvTs ; it makes ft impracticable to maintain the navigation laws,which impose so many..restrictions ou British-built ships • it throws oiut of employment the British sailor/,.and, iu the lan^miqe of Mr. Alderman Thompson, it will necessarily lead to such an intrusion of the foreigner into tne coasting trade, as Jo diminish the value of British shipping npaHy seyenty-five per cent. ' N"ow, consider the effect which this diminution of our maritime' trade would produce" upon the ..numerous external occupations with which it stanis connected. It would besome- thing like abolishing house bu'rldtng from the list of mechanical employments, and it is impossible to conceive any increase in any other branch of industry, which could make com pensa ion tiius be ef; t fflFthe injury w Iwcli would iihtnge cnulfktha proposed u te upon our domestic.markets? ! i ti . between tow^i nud town, juid thow . H the channels of our insular commeftf. i re would be a stnr.par*e i . the Buspimded am' .terruptt-d, all sucfi of tl market-ttjwns, as uere not immediately i : . utlit-cd of the pints, would a ! -ise to be places of sale and resort.— | The Britfsli corn-factor and nuli-owner would transfer his custom to the sea- port towti in which foreign com was entered and 1" :>.!>-.] ; aad instead of trade being dis- , p.*. it is now, throoghoQt the or- i mercial and agricultural districts, ! f w< uld be confined upd dammed up withm 1/1*0 cr*r.clusion, v\b, it arc all these changes i in producp but an increase of our inaiuif.e'lirep for'sforeigfi* consumption,—aa [ object which will alv,avs\be steaHllv opposed e jealousy and rivalry of the conbntntal nates, and by the interests of their own traders end manufacturers ? Such trade, if it could be secured, would never ocount to one-fifteenth part Of our home dealers, nor to r>m*-fq,irtli part of our coloMal trade.— Under any possiblo circumstances, stfch Im'de, amd su li'jdsily depfendt nee upon f--rcirtiers, rnusl L. precariouspand unsafe;— W*e should ahvn s he in contention with such foreigners on ti. *-ubject of duties ; them would be a ;. inal Custom.bouse jarring and wiai',(.:-*.*. Our commerce would al- v.'.ivs becorn.e Iti ' I to be suspended by war, and'our mercfiants and manufactures would be exposed tr ti -!. Iluc;i>aiicns, and from so many .causes,— I '■ 1:1 civ il dissensions, as well, as -from national wars,—that no firm and no large. ii,*. i.sunent of capital could be deemed long safe. A Civil war, like that of Spain, would throw such a glut of our own manufactures upon our hands, and fling them back upon eti*- own markets, or rather, into our own warehouses, as to throw «ut of^em- p'pymsiit ali that increase of popu1atio6-*Sriich the stimulus ofa foimt-r demand might have called inio our factories and magazines,— snd thus occa<*i.m that degree of distress of v. Ijicli we bid some example in the first wars that succeeded the war of 1814. To ciiint upon such a trad? fjr revenue would in- to coitnt upon the burren sea shore for i".dJ ; ii would be but an unnatural con- trivancent Lest, and, like ail ariiflcinl sys- ttms, which are f'lrmed iu opposition tor natural relation^ would scarcely outlive *Xhie first fe-. years ofthe experi%ient. In.all ihat we have above said, it is not our purpose to contend that out present . itnuiug aud commercial Bjawtri is perfect in I it's present form ; that many of our lawn have hot become obsolete, anu are no longer fit- led.'or at leas*, required, for the purposes for whiili they were iiist passed '; »and that our naVy, in its' present degree o£ strength, does not require that large sacrifice of other in- t-rest**, which was wisely afforded to it under the Act of Charles the Second. We conulnd only for lhe nia'.t*ten*>.nce of the general principle, and admit ^at every ten or twenty vears may produce a new slate of-things in particular trailer, which may render it prudent and wise to revise any old laws whu*h may hear too heavily upon present eirrum- * stances.. Laws of mere regulation are not to be confounded with those fund a menial maxims which are justly termed constituii-* onal principles; the former, except in their general spirit, were ceVer intended to be permanent, and therefore there is no sound objection against submitting them to that revision which any new state of circumstances onay seem to require. But an ancient Mode of dealing, which was begun two centuries back, and which has been Untinued up to the present time, has obviously so far answered jts purpose, as to have rendered us the richest and the mest powerful nation in the w-orld, because our agrii-ultttre, our commerce, and cur '--ade, have grown up together, have inter- '.......'* their associated roots, and yielding .'■ -sch other a neighbourly sustenance fro» .. |